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Recently, an article by Ariel Harkham, co-founder of the Jewish think tank Jewish National Initiative, in Israeli newspaper The Jerusalem Post provoked reactions about the next day after the war and the necessary shifts in Israeli security doctrine. Harkham\u2019s proposals include, among others, leasing areas on the Greek islands for the establishment of naval bases and the training of Cypriot forces by the Israel Defense Forces.<\/p>\n
Kathimerini contacted the Israeli analyst, who stressed that Turkey has become a hostile country for Israeli diplomacy and that the trilateral alliance of Greece, Cyprus and Israel will be a strategic counterweight to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan\u2019s expansionism in the Eastern Mediterranean. Harkham also underlined that Israel must be ready to recognize the Armenian genocide not only as a strategic move against Turkey, but also as a moral obligation.<\/p>\n
Examining the day after the war, what factors have driven Israel to reassess its relations with regional allies such as Turkey?<\/strong><\/p>\n Israel seems to have many friends that make for bad allies. Turkey\u2019s provocative actions, including hosting Hamas leaders and obstructing Cypriot energy exploration, reveal its neo-Ottoman ambitions under the \u201cBlue Homeland\u201d doctrine. Erdogan\u2019s strategic naval expansion and alignment with Iran only amplify the threats emanating from the Eastern Mediterranean. Faced with these challenges, Israel should be doubling down on military self-reliance, securing alliances with Greece and Cyprus, and ensuring its ability to project power in the region.<\/p>\n Israel\u2019s survival now hinges on rejecting unrealistic diplomatic pressures and confronting the realities of a hostile regional environment head-on.<\/p>\n In your recent article you state that Israeli leaders must create an effective strategy against Turkish expansionism as reflected in the Blue Homeland doctrine. Beyond the verbal Turkish aggressive foreign policy, are there specific actions that worry you?<\/strong><\/p>\n Turkey\u2019s actions have escalated beyond rhetoric. Recently, Hamas leaders, expelled from Qatar, were welcomed in Ankara. Additionally, Erdogan has spearheaded diplomatic efforts to isolate Israel, including endorsing a call for an arms embargo and advocating for a coalition of Muslim nations to counter Israel. His military expansion is also concerning \u2013 Turkey has strengthened its navy, supported conflicts in Syria and Libya, and cultivated ties with Egypt\u2019s al-Sisi, a shift that could impact regional stability.<\/p>\n Furthermore, in 2020, Turkey\u2019s naval forces repeatedly obstructed international drilling efforts in Cyprus\u2019 exclusive economic zone (EEZ), an area claimed by Cyprus, while it constantly disregards Cyprus\u2019 territorial rights, and is willing to use violence to solve its Kurdish conflict. Israel can no longer afford to ignore these signs of increasing Turkish aggression.<\/p>\n How do Greece and Cyprus contribute to Israel\u2019s strategic position in the Eastern Mediterranean and what common security concerns unite Israel, Greece and Cyprus?<\/strong><\/p>\n Greece and Cyprus are essential allies in bolstering Israel\u2019s regional strategy, offering economic, diplomatic and geographic advantages to address shared security challenges. Both nations enable Israel to bypass the Bosporus through projects like the EastMed pipeline, ensuring a direct energy link to Europe. This strengthens European energy security while reducing reliance on Russian and Turkish-controlled routes.<\/p>\n I need to add that geography matters, because both countries\u2019 strategic locations offer Israel critical staging points. Cyprus\u2019 proximity to regional chokepoints and Greece\u2019s islands provides Israel\u2019s navy with the logistical reach necessary for naval deterrence and protecting maritime energy assets. All three countries face Turkish expansionism, particularly its naval ambitions and territorial claims. Additionally, safeguarding offshore energy infrastructure against threats like terrorism or sabotage remains a top priority.<\/p>\n Can you elaborate on your two proposals regarding the leasing of areas on Greek islands for naval bases, and, secondly, the training of Cypriot forces?<\/strong><\/p>\n Expanding Israel\u2019s cooperation with Greece and Cyprus through naval basing and training initiatives offers a historical and strategic foundation for strengthening the region\u2019s security architecture.<\/p>\n Historically, Greece has leased strategic ports to allies, such as the arrangement with NATO during the Cold War, demonstrating the viability of such a partnership. Establishing naval bases on Greek islands would allow Israel to sustain a robust maritime presence in the Eastern Mediterranean, ensuring protection of critical trade routes and monitoring potential threats, such as Turkey\u2019s increasing naval assertiveness under its Blue Homeland doctrine.<\/p>\n Similarly, Cyprus has long played a pivotal role in regional geopolitics, notably serving as a key intelligence and military base for the British. Access to Cypriot ports would give Israel critical logistical support for its navy, expanding its operational reach and reinforcing its capacity to secure energy infrastructure and deter aggression.<\/p>\n Training Cypriot forces would also mirror Israel\u2019s successful collaborations with other partners, such as its joint air exercises with Greece and the modernization of Greek air force capabilities. Enhancing Cypriot intelligence, sea denial, and air defense capacities would create a more formidable ally in a region marked by contested resources and geopolitical competition.<\/p>\n These steps would deepen the Israel-Greece-Cyprus alliance, forming a cohesive counterbalance to Turkey\u2019s expansionist policies. Joint defense systems, naval drills, and intelligence sharing would not only foster trust but also ensure a unified strategic front. This cooperation, rooted in historical precedent and contemporary need, would serve as a stabilizing force in the Eastern Mediterranean.<\/p>\n What is the geopolitical significance of these proposals?<\/strong><\/p>\n A strategic alliance between Israel, Greece and Cyprus would fundamentally reshape Eastern Mediterranean dynamics, directly challenging Turkey\u2019s regional ambitions. Economically, it would establish energy corridors bypassing the Bosporus, enhancing Europe\u2019s energy security while diminishing Ankara\u2019s influence over key supply routes. This alliance would also bolster diplomatic ties within NATO and the EU, reinforcing a unified bloc that counters Turkey\u2019s neo-Ottoman policies.<\/p>\n Do you believe that President Trump can really end the war in the Middle East? If so, how?<\/strong><\/p>\n Yes, through a decisive strategy against the \u201chead of the octopus,\u201d Iran. If the US focuses on actively combating the Iranian regime \u2013 rather than merely containing it \u2013 its regional influence will collapse. This would require sustained economic pressure, dismantling Iran\u2019s nuclear infrastructure, and actively and without interruption supporting grassroots efforts within Iran to challenge the regime. By weakening Iran, the broader Middle East conflict could be de-escalated.\u00a0<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n