In its Perspectives Paper No. 2,394, dated July 8, 2026, Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies (BESA Center) experts detail how these three nations’ geographic positions, naval capabilities, and shared strategic interests create a resilient “maritime chain” linking the Indo-Pacific to Europe via the Eastern Mediterranean.
A new analysis from the BESA Center underscores the critical role of Greece, Israel, and India in forging a maritime security architecture to safeguard the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).
The paper opens with a clear strategic assessment: “The convergence of their strategic interests, geographic locations, and maritime capabilities lays the foundation for a new security architecture conducive to the wider objectives of the IMEC. Through naval cooperation, maritime domain awareness, critical infrastructure protection, and professional military education, these three countries have an opportunity to shape a more resilient East-West corridor extending from Mumbai to Souda Bay.”
This framework comes at a pivotal time, as Red Sea attacks since 2023 have disrupted global shipping, and vulnerabilities around chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz and undersea infrastructure persist.
BESA emphasizes enduring geographic realities: “India occupies a central position in the Indian Ocean… Israel similarly occupies a key location between the Mediterranean and the Middle East… Greece controls a strategic maritime gateway connecting the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, and continental Europe,” with its merchant fleet representing “more than 19% of global tonnage and approximately 61% of the EU-controlled fleet.”
Together, the authors argue, “These three states form a continuous maritime arc extending from Mumbai to Haifa and from Haifa to the entire Eastern Mediterranean.”
The BESA paper details each nation’s stakes. For Greece, maritime security is “inextricably tied to national prosperity, European resilience, and the stability of global trade.” For Israel, “the protection of offshore energy infrastructure has evolved into a strategic priority,” supported by frameworks like the Ministry of Energy’s oversight of gas fields and subsea assets. India’s ambitions are anchored in Maritime India Vision 2030, which seeks to elevate its role across port infrastructure, logistics, and Indo-Pacific influence.
As the analysis notes, “As India seeks to strengthen its economic connectivity with Europe… the Eastern Mediterranean region assumes growing strategic value as a gateway linking Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. Greece and Israel provide India with reliable maritime partners.”
While public focus often remains on ports and railways, BESA stresses: “Yet the maritime dimension may ultimately prove more crucial than the physical assets. The corridor depends on secure maritime routes from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean. Without effective maritime security, infrastructure investment alone cannot guarantee connectivity.”
The authors propose pragmatic cooperation in areas such as maritime domain awareness, intelligence sharing, anti-submarine warfare, cybersecurity, unmanned systems, and critical infrastructure protection. They clarify that this “would not necessarily morph into a formalized trilateral military alliance. Rather, it would offer a pragmatic framework anchored in common interests and shared strategic concerns.”
A key recommendation centers on the Eastern Mediterranean: “Souda Bay in Crete… Cyprus, with Limassol… Further east, Haifa…” forming “a strategic triangle that can support maritime operations, logistics, joint exercises, surveillance, and crisis-response activities.”
BESA highlights the NATO Maritime Interdiction Operational Training Centre (NMIOTC) at Souda Bay as an ideal venue for building interoperability, covering “maritime interdiction operations, boarding procedures, protection of merchant shipping, counterterrorism at sea,” and emerging domains like cyber and unmanned systems.
Modern threats demand new tools, according to the paper: “The protection of critical maritime infrastructure is emerging as a defining security challenge in the 21st century.” BESA advocates for collaboration on underwater surveillance, autonomous systems, and even “the creation of a Greece-Israel-India observatory on hybrid threats” to monitor sabotage, cyber risks, and disinformation.
The paper concludes powerfully: “India, Israel, and Greece possess complementary strengths that enable them to address this challenge. India brings economic weight and maritime reach across the Indian Ocean. Israel serves as a bridge between the Gulf and the Mediterranean. Greece offers strategic access to Europe, a world-leading maritime sector, a highly competent and well-equipped naval force, and key naval infrastructure centered around Souda Bay.”
It adds that “The Greece-Israel-India axis would lend the IMEC greater strategic depth… These measures would foster interoperability, improve maritime resilience, and guarantee the protection of critical infrastructure across the IMEC.”
This BESA analysis aligns with ongoing defense ties, including joint naval engagements and IMEC-related diplomacy involving additional partners like Cyprus and the UAE. Ports such as Haifa (with Indian operational involvement) and Piraeus underscore the tangible infrastructure links.
It is becoming clear that Greece, Israel, and India are not merely participants but architects of IMEC’s maritime security. Their partnership would transform the corridor from an infrastructure project into a resilient, defended artery of global trade — vital in an age of hybrid threats and great-power competition. As the BESA analysis demonstrates, proactive naval cooperation and infrastructure protection will determine whether IMEC fulfills its promise of enhanced East-West connectivity and stability.
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